Former Rwandan Official Worries That Kagame's Administ
When Burundian fishermen first discovered bodies in Lake Wreru on the
border of Rwanda this July, the Rwandan government quickly denied
involvement in the apparent murders.
Months later, up to 40 bodies remain unidentified, and more have turned
up, prompting the State Department on Thursday to call on the two
African governments to launch a thorough investigation into where the
bodies came from and who they are.
Rwandan officials insisted that since the bodies were found in Burundi,
they are Burundi's responsibility. But some Burundian officials argue
that the mainly decomposed bodies, some of which were wrapped in plastic
bags, likely traveled through the Akagera River downstream from Rwanda
to the border lake where they were discovered.
Despite claims by the Rwandan government that there are no reports of
missing people in Rwanda, David Himbara, a former top aide to Rwandan
President Paul Kagame, said Kagame's harsh crackdown on political
dissent has scared Rwandans into keeping quiet about missing family
members and friends.
"The population of Rwanda are prisoners of Kagame," Himbara told Foreign Policy
while on a trip to Washington. "You have 11 million prisoners. You
can't say anything. Wife, husband in the bedroom, you don't talk."
Himbara, who worked from 2000 to 2002 as Kagame's personal secretary and
from 2006 to 2010 as his head of strategy and policy, said the Lake
Wreru bodies could be Kagame administration victims.
In late August, four Rwandan nationals were found guilty of shooting
former Rwandan army general Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, who was living in
exile in South Africa when he was killed in 2007.
Last January, Patrick Karegeya, a former Rwandan intelligence chief who
was stripped of his title of colonel and living in exile in South
Africa, was murdered in his hotel room in Johannesburg.
Himbara, who was also living in South Africa until last January, was
informed by the South African police that he was the target of an
assassination attempt earlier that year and should fear for his safety.
Himbara, who was visiting Canada at the time of Karegeya's murder,
decided to stay there. Kagame spent 30 years as a refugee
in Uganda before returning to Rwanda in 1990, but Himbara spent only 10
years in Uganda before his family relocated to Canada. He didn't move to
Rwanda until he joined Kagame's administration in 2000. Now the
Canadian citizen has been living in Toronto since Karegeya's death. And
in the past few months, three of Himbara's family members who stayed in
Rwanda have been arrested amid accusations they spread rumors against
the state.
In March, South Africa expelled four Rwandan diplomats amid claims they had ties to the Nyamwasa and Karegeya murders.
But other than the South African murder trial, the international
community is ignoring the claims that Kagame's is a murderous and
corrupt administration. In fact, Kagame has even been honored by the
Clinton Global Initiative and UNICEF for his reconciliation efforts in
the two decades after the genocide of the 1990s. Last week he addressed
the U.N. General Assembly in New York, saying Rwanda has "focused on
building accountable governance institutions, and renewing our dignity
as a nation."
Hailed by some as the savior of Rwanda, Kagame led the rebel group that
ended the world's most brutal genocide that decimated millions of
Tutsis, members of his ethnic group, between 1990 and 1994. Kagame later
served as vice president and minister of defense until 2000, when his
predecessor, President Pasteur Bizimungu, stepped down. Kagame was
elected to a seven-year term in 2003 and re-elected with 93 percent of
the vote in 2010. Though he faced some international criticism in 2012
over Rwandan funding of Congolese rebel group M23, Kagame's domestic
policies have mostly flown under the radar. This spring, House Foreign
Affairs Committee Chairman Ed Royce (R-Calif.) suggested
cutting aid to Rwanda over the string of assassinations in South
Africa, but didn't garner enough support from his colleagues to carry
out his proposal.
"There's a lot of guilt over having not acted during the genocide, and
people like the fact that Rwanda appears to have made social and
economic progress since the genocide," said Rona Peligal, deputy
director of the Africa Division of Human Rights Watch. "There's been
surprisingly little criticism or outrage at Rwanda's domestic
practices."
To the outside world, Kagame's first presidential term was a tenure
worthy of celebrating. The capital city of Kigali appears, from the
outside at least, to be a hub of urban development. The streets are
clean and safe; women compose more than 60 percent of Parliament; and
Kagame ran on a campaign of national unity. In modern-day Kigali, many
Rwandans refuse to identify themselves as Hutu or Tutsi, which could
signal a push away from the ethnic divide that kicked off the genocides.
But according to Himbara, Kigali's physical appearance is a metaphor for Kagame's time in office.
"Kigali is beautiful, pro-environment, no plastic bags, but Kigali is a
city of 1 million with no sewage system," Hiramba said. "You see a
building but you don't see what's underneath."
"He knows the game so well. Go in Parliament and 62 percent are women.
But women of what kind of Parliament? It's a dead Parliament."
And, Himbara said, Rwandans refuse to identify their ethnic group not
out of hope for reconciliation but out of fear of retaliation from the
government.
"It's one thing to talk about reconciliation but people cannot even talk
about the issue, because if you try to talk about Hutu or Tutsi in
Rwanda, they say you are inciting genocide ideology," Himbara said.
"There's no room for debate."
From 2006 to 2010, Himbara worked side-by-side with Kagame, revamping
the country's weak economy and working to improve Rwanda's marketability
to outside investors. However, as the economy strengthened and plans
for sustainable development began taking hold, newspapers and
non-governmental organizations were shut down, free speech was
suffocated, and Kigali was wiped clean of outward political dissent.
But it wasn't until Himbara witnessed Kagame brutally beat two of his
own staff members over a small dispute about his office curtains that he
decided it was time to leave the administration altogether.
"I decided right then that I would never, ever, ever have anything to do
with him again," Himbara said. "We used to hear these things, but it's
the first time I saw with my own eyes."
According to the Rwandan constitution, Kagame should not seek a third
term in 2017. But having experienced the brutality of Kagame's
administration, Himbara is inclined to believe the bodies in Burundi
could be yet another signal that Kagame thugs are murdering activists to
stifle political resistance and pave the way for Kagame to remain in
power.
With no one inside Rwanda calling for transparency and accountability,
Himbara said Rwanda needs the rest of the world to demand it. The United
States speaking up and calling for a more thorough investigation is one
of the first steps toward accountability, he said.
"We need more voices; we are hoping for more voices," he said. "The U.S. can make a difference."
But even the State Department's call for an investigation resisted
pointing fingers directly at Kagame or even Rwanda, calling instead "on
the Burundian and Rwandan governments to conduct a prompt, thorough, and
impartial and concerted investigation of these deaths."